U.S.: Russia Withheld Intel on Boston Bomb Suspect
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887324244304578475300856008018.html?mod=djemalertNEWS
By SIOBHAN GORMAN and EVAN PEREZ in Washington and ALAN CULLISON in
Makhachkala, Russia
Russia withheld a crucial piece of information from the U.S. before the
Boston bombings, U.S. officials say, bolstering a concern that distrust
between the two governments erased an opportunity to avert the disaster.
In 2011, Russia sent an alert to the Federal Bureau of Investigation about
alleged bomber Tamerlan Tsarnaev, prompted in part by text messages between
his mother and a Russian relative. The texts suggested Mr. Tsarnaev was
interested in joining militant groups that Russia blames for attacks in the
Caucasus region, according to U.S. officials briefed on the investigations.
U.S. officials call these text messages the most important in a series of
missed signals between the two countries. One U.S. official characterized at
least one of the text messages as generally discussing jihad, but without
any specific mention of terrorism plans.
The U.S. officials say they learned about them roughly a week after the
April 15 bombings. Several officials say such precise information would have
led to a deeper examination of Mr. Tsarnaev, who died a few days after the
bombing in a police confrontation. His brother and alleged accomplice
remains in custody.
The information Russia withheld "would have allowed the bureau to open an
investigation where you could track [Mr. Tsarnaev's] communications," said
House Intelligence Committee chairman Mike Rogers (R., Mich.). "To me,
that's where the ball really got dropped."
Previous terror plots in the U.S. exposed lapses in data-sharing among U.S.
agencies, and the official Boston review could still uncover such instances.
But so far in the Boston bombing, U.S. officials say, it appears that
intelligence-sharing went most awry between the U.S. and Russia. After the
Russian government made its 2011 query on Mr. Tsarnaev, the FBI three times
requested more information and received none, U.S. officials say. Mr.
Tsarnaev was a legal resident of the U.S. and a citizen of Kyrgyzstan.
The Kremlin said Russian security services gathered little information on
Mr. Tsarnaev, but officials in the province of Dagestan said they tracked
him during a six-month trip there in 2012. Russia never reported such
details to the U.S. While in Dagestan, Mr. Tsarnaev met with a known
militant, officials in Dagestan said.
U.S. officials say they don't know why the text messages weren't provided
earlier. They surmised Russia didn't provide other information because they
wanted to protect their sources or because they didn't give the information
much credibility themselves.
To be sure, U.S. law-enforcement officials say it isn't clear whether
knowing the content of the text messages would have changed what the FBI
learned in 2011 about Mr. Tsarnaev's turn toward radicalization. A senior
U.S. law-enforcement official also notes that the FBI, in sharing
information with the Russians, often withholds details that could reveal its
own sources and methods.
Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said he couldn't comment on specifics, but
said that in 2011, "There couldn't have been detailed information on him
because he didn't live on Russian territory." He declined to comment on
whether Russian authorities have provided more detailed reports on Mr.
Tsarnaev to the U.S. since the attack.
Cooperation in the recent weeks has improved, both Mr. Peskov and U.S.
officials say, but remains incomplete. The U.S.-Russia relationship has been
strained by conflicting interests in Iran as well as clashes over U.S.
adoptions of Russian orphans-all feeding a relationship colored by years of
post-Cold War spying.
Tensions are also rising between the U.S. and Russia over Syria. On
Friday-days after U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry met Russian officials
in Moscow and raised concerns over Russian arms shipments to Syrian
President Bashar al-Assad-the Kremlin said it would go ahead with deliveries
of ground-to-air missile systems for the Assad government. The Wall Street
Journal reported Wednesday that the Russian government was preparing to make
such a delivery.
Following the 2001 terrorist attacks, U.S. intelligence services sought to
find common ground with their Russian counterparts, but soon discovered
their interests diverged, said Andrew Liepman, former deputy director of the
National Counterterrorism Center and a Central Intelligence Agency veteran.
The U.S. was focused on al Qaeda, and the Russians were focused on Chechnya.
"We took a Reaganesque approach to the Russians, where you need to verify
everything you get," said Mr. Liepman, who is now an analyst with the Rand
Corp. think tank.
A Dagestani official said security services first focused on Mr. Tsarnaev in
2010 after they arrested a suspected rebel sympathizer, William Plotnikov, a
Canadian who named Mr. Tsarnaev as an associate. Early in 2011, they
intercepted text messages that alarmed Russian officials, sent by Mr.
Tsarnaev's mother, Zubeidat Tsarnaeva. Mr. Plotnikov was killed last July by
Russian security forces.
In an interview, Ms. Tsarnaeva said she often communicated with relatives by
text. She said she didn't know which messages might have alarmed the
authorities, but denies she knew about any intentions of her son to join a
rebel group.
On March 4, 2011, the Russian security service sent a formal request via the
U.S. embassy in Moscow asking the FBI to look into Mr. Tsarnaev, U.S.
officials said. At that time, the Russians didn't mention the texts and made
reference only to Mr. Tsarnaev's interest in joining "underground" groups, a
term that to U.S. ears could suggest political opposition, Dagestani
officials said.
The Russian request was forwarded to the Joint Terrorism Task Force in
Boston. There, FBI field agents and other officials translated the letter
and worked to identify Mr. Tsarnaev based on U.S. immigration and other
records.
Once they had identified Mr. Tsarnaev, a U.S. Customs agent entered his name
into a Treasury terrorism database. That system, known as the Treasury
Enforcement Communications System, sends alerts to U.S. security officials
when someone in the system is, say, preparing to travel by air.
Five days later, FBI asked the Russian Federal Security Service, known as
the FSB, for more information and received no response, one U.S. official
said. Officials say the information from Ms. Tsarnaeva's texts would have
allowed them to get wiretapping authority.
The FBI conducted a standard 90-day inquiry, including searches of public
databases, its own files, and those of other agencies, as well as a
voluntary interview, U.S. officials said. Mr. Tsarnaev provided his correct
birth date, which was different from the two provided by the Russians.
Under FBI guidelines, any suspicious activity could have prompted a
preliminary or even a full investigation. Agents found none and the FBI
closed the case in June.
On Aug. 8, the FBI made another attempt to get additional information from
the FSB, and received no response, a U.S. official said.
In late September, the FSB sent an identical request to the CIA through the
U.S. embassy in Moscow, officials said. The CIA didn't find anything of
concern and referred the information to the FBI because Mr. Tsarnaev was a
legal U.S. resident. The FBI made its third request to the FSB for more
information Oct. 7.
A few days before Mr. Tsarnaev's Jan. 12, 2012, Aeroflot flight to Russia, a
U.S. Customs official in the Boston task force received an alert from the
Treasury database that he was planning a trip, but took no action because he
wasn't seen as a danger.
Russian security services, however, had Mr. Tsarnaev in their sights. One
Dagestani official said that after Mr. Tsarnaev's arrival local police
determined he was staying in a ground-floor apartment his parents were
renovating in the Dagestani capital, Makhachkala. Dagestani officials say he
tried to build contacts with radical rebel groups in the region, and met
with one Islamist fighter.
U.S. authorities heard none of this, Dagestani officials said. The
monitoring of Mr. Tsarnaev was the responsibility of regional security
officers, who are barred from contacting the FBI or CIA directly. When
officers in Makhachkala need information from the U.S., they are directed to
pass the request through Moscow.
Rep. Michael McCaul (R., Texas), chairman of the House Homeland Security
Committee, said knowledge of the intercepted messages "would have been good
enough to re-examine the individual."
After the bombing, the Kremlin said Russia had gathered no meaningful
information on Mr. Tsarnaev and little that would have helped the FBI
beforehand. In late April, Mr. Putin said Mr. Tsarnaev had been in the
country only "episodically" and that "Russian special services were to our
grave regret unable to give our American colleagues any information that
would have had any operational value."
On the U.S. side, officials say after Mr. Tsarnev was identified it took a
week for Russia to provide the FBI with information about the intercepted
text messages.
The directors of the FBI and FSB have been in regular communication in the
aftermath of the bombings and U.S. President Barack Obama has spoken with
Mr. Putin about the case. This week, both FBI Director Robert Mueller and
Mr. Kerry, the secretary of state, traveled to Moscow to press the Russian
government for more help.
A U.S. official, however, said the Russians still aren't fully cooperating,
and in particular haven't provided information from surveillance during Mr.
Tsarnaev's trip. Local authorities in Dagestan say Mr. Tsarnaev, perhaps
knowing he would be monitored, didn't use a mobile phone there.
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