Friday, April 19, 2013

How the Revolutionary Guards Interfere in Elections

 

Iran Feature: How the Revolutionary Guards Interfere in Elections

from EA WorldView by Scott Lucas

http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/EnduringAmerica/~3/mDjmm1V4g50/iran-feature-how-the-revolutionary-guards-interfere-in-elect.html

 

 

Mohammad Ali Jafari, head of the Revolutionary Guards, and the Supreme

Leader

 

Since 1979 --- despite a mandate to operate outside politics, backed up by

an injunction from Ayatollah Khamenei --- the Islamic Revolutionary Guard

Corps and Basij have become increasingly active in the political sphere.

They have interfered with the operation of free and fair elections under the

guise of protecting the Revolution, they have subverted electoral law with

impunity. On each occasion, their meddling has become more brazen and less

furtive. These forces now make up a parallel government that works to

control and subvert the democratic process.

 

Mohammad Reza Sardari, in an article originally published in Persian,

presents an overview of the growing influence of Iran's armed forces.

 

The intervention of armed forces in the election process of the Islamic

Republic of Iran can be traced back to its early days in the 1980s after the

establishment of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

 

In 2007 the Basij-e Mostaz'afin (literally "Mobilization of the Oppressed"),

established in 1979 as a paramilitary force, came under the supervision of

the IRGC. Both are directly controlled by the Supreme Leader. Unlike the

army, both the IRGC and Basij have always interfered in elections, despite

the fact that there is no law giving them authority to do so.

 

According to election laws, police and military forces, armed or not, are

prohibited from any interference in arranging and supervising elections

(article 24 of Presidential Election Law and article 16 of Parliamentary

Election Law).

 

Military forces do not have the right to participate in any electoral

process; from campaigning to vote counting to macro-level processes such as

the management of elections. Furthermore, military forces and intelligence

officials are prohibited from serving as representatives of candidates at

polling stations stations (note 4 of single article of the Law of

Representatives of Presidential Candidates). Additionally, according to

article 40 of the Armed Forces Penal Code, any participation, intervention,

or activity of armed forces officials at rallies, in political disputes, or

campaigning is forbidden, punished by six months to three years of

imprisonment.

 

Article 49 of the Disciplinary Bylaws of the Armed Forces also mentions

further prohibitions....

 

The IRGC's statute prohibit its members from participating in political and

partisan affairs. According to article 47 of the same statute: "The Islamic

Revolutionary Guard Corps politically and ideologically follows the commands

of the Guardianship of the Jurist (Velayat-e Faqih). This foundation is

autonomous from all political parties and groups and should never act as a

political party or organization."...

 

Meddling of Basij and IRGC in Elections

 

But how does the IRGC engineer and influence elections? They act based on

the country's political situation, candidate participation, and the type of

the elections. Given the diversity and geographical dispersal of candidates,

activities of the Corps are not centralized in parliamentary elections. The

basic principle is to have a parliament with a majority of MPs who are

unquestioning followers of the Supreme Leader.

 

The IRGC's activities can be classified into two categories:

 

The first category is its security and intelligence activities and

identification of the candidates in cooperation with the Guardian Council

and Ministry of Intelligence. Although the IRGC's role is covert, final

decisions are usually made in operation rooms similar to those we see in a

war situation. If there is no serious competitor for their desired

candidates and no cost of [politically] eliminating an opposing candidate,

the appointed candidate is in fact a member of parliament before the

elections even take place.

 

However, if the constituency contains several candidates, the Corps goes to

the second phase of its operation and uses its members, including members of

the Basij, to select the candidate most in line with the position of the

Supreme Leader. They use methods such as buying or directing votes. These

methods require trainings which have already been offered to the members

through general camps.

 

The IRGC's operation is different when it comes to Presidential elections.

Unlike parliamentary elections, the IRGC's role is more prominent. Directing

votes, sabotaging the activities of competitors, and even engineering the

vote counting process are among the methods the IRGC uses. Activities of the

"political guides" of the IRGC (whose members mostly consist of clerics)

under the supervision of the Supreme Leader's representative, the

establishment of special camps for elections with the excuse of providing

training for security, the distribution of flyers among IRGC and Basij

members, surveillance of the activities of competitors, and security

encounters, if necessary, are methods commonly used by the Corps in

Presidential elections.

 

Final words

 

The presence of the powerful military institution of the Revolutionary Guard

Corps and its dominance over the electoral process makes it impossible to

conduct a free election. The highest authorities of this gigantic

organization have shown in word and deed that even members of village

councils should unquestioningly follow the orders of the Supreme Leader. The

IRGC has gone even further and interfered in elections of non-governmental

organizations such as Iran's Physicians' Association. Therefore, it can be

concluded that although military forces are clearly prohibited to interfere

in elections according to the law, the electoral system is dominated by

their interventions, making it impossible to have free elections.

 

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